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On a tour of the Cossack House in 2019, she told TIME that Azov’s mission was to form a coalition of far-right groups across the Western world, with the ultimate aim of taking power throughout Europe. “It could be described as a small state within a state,” says Olena Semenyaka, the head of international outreach for the Azov movement. On the ground floor is a shop called Militant Zone, which sells clothes and key chains with stylized swastikas and other neo-Nazi merchandise.
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The top floor hosts a lecture hall and a library, full of books by authors who supported German fascism, like Ezra Pound and Martin Heidegger, or whose works were co-opted by Nazi propaganda, like Friedrich Nietzsche and Ernst Jünger. In the courtyard is a cinema and a boxing club. The main recruitment center for Azov, known as the Cossack House, stands in the center of Kyiv, a four-story brick building on loan from Ukraine’s Defense Ministry. In the 16 years that followed the attacks of 9/11, far-right groups were responsible for nearly three-quarters of the 85 deadly extremist incidents that took place on American soil, according to a report published in 2017 by the U.S. than Islamic extremism does and is a growing threat throughout the Western world.Īfter the worst such attack in recent years-the massacre of 51 people in Christchurch, New Zealand, in 2019-an arm of the Azov movement helped distribute the terrorist’s raving manifesto, in print and online, seeking to glorify his crimes and inspire others to follow. Apart from offering a place for foreign radicals to study the tricks and tools of war, the Azov movement, through its online propaganda, has fueled a global ideology of hate that now inspires more terrorist attacks in the U.S.
That online game of catch and delete, which Facebook says is central to its counter-extremism strategy, will hardly address the deeper problem posed by Azov and its allies.
Some began disappearing after TIME posed questions about Azov to Facebook. Even in December, the Azov movement’s political wing, the National Corps, and its youth wing maintained at least a dozen pages on Facebook. While Facebook first designated the Azov Battalion a “dangerous organization” in 2016, pages linked to the group continued to spread propaganda and advertise merchandise on the platform in 2020, according to research by the Center for Countering Digital Hate published in November.
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Yet its attempts to crack down have been far from fully effective. Senate that American white supremacists are “actually traveling overseas to train.” Christopher Wray, the director of the FBI, later confirmed in testimony to the U.S. “Azov has been recruiting, radicalizing, and training American citizens for years,” the letter said. State Department to designate Azov a foreign terrorist organization. The following month, 40 members of Congress signed a letter calling-unsuccessfully-for the U.S. “This is the parallel now with Ukraine.”Īt a hearing of the House Committee on Homeland Security in September 2019, Soufan urged lawmakers to take the threat more seriously. And we did not wake up until 9/11,” Soufan tells TIME.
It reminded him of Afghanistan in the 1990s, after Soviet forces withdrew and the U.S. But as Soufan looked into the recruitment methods of Ukraine’s more radical militias, he found an alarming pattern. The vast majority have no apparent links to far-right ideology.
Ali Soufan, a security consultant and former FBI agent who has studied Azov, estimates that more than 17,000 foreign fighters have come to Ukraine over the past six years from 50 countries. And it acts as a magnet for young men eager for combat experience. Outside Ukraine, Azov occupies a central role in a network of extremist groups stretching from California across Europe to New Zealand, according to law enforcement officials on three continents. and Europe, it also has a military wing with at least two training bases and a vast arsenal of weapons, from drones and armored vehicles to artillery pieces. It has its own political party two publishing houses summer camps for children and a vigilante force known as the National Militia, which patrols the streets of Ukrainian cities alongside the police. Its fighters resemble the other para-military units-and there are dozens of them-that have helped defend Ukraine against the Russian military over the past six years.
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